Sofia Coppola's adaptation just had its debut at Cannes, and the critics have spoken.
By Kevin P. Sullivan
Source: http://www.mtv.com/news/articles/1707448/bling-ring-emma-watson-cannes-film-festival.jhtml
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In 1942, after having finally entered WWII, the United States Marine Corps spent two million dollars on an insane new initiative. The mission? Strap napalm bombs to bats, and send them flying on deadly kamikaze runs. Seriously.
While most Americans spent the days following December 7, 1941?the day of Japan's infamous attack on Pearl Harbor?confused, angry, and afraid, dentist Lytle S. James decided to be inspired.
At the time of the attack, James was on a trip to famed bat-haven Carlsbad Caverns. Eager to do his part for his country, he took note of the ferocious fliers who ruled the the caves and suggested what seemed at the time to be a perfectly sensible retaliation plan: making unsuspecting patriots out of bomb-toting bats.
If it had been anyone else's idea, this bizarre, PETA-angering, military absurdity would have died on the vine. But Lytle P. James had something other crackpots of his era could only dream of. He had the ear of First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt.
The concept itself is outlandish enough in its own right, but the truly bizarre part is that the National Research Defense Committee decided to take the idea and run with it. Renowned psychologist Donald Griffin, who had worked extensively on bats' system of echolocation, even helped overlook the trial as one of its biggest supporters, claiming in 1942:
This proposal seems bizarre and visionary at first glance, but extensive experience with experimental biology convinces the writer that if executed competently it would have every chance of success.
This was, apparently, enough to get President Franklin Delano Roosevelt on board, as a Presidential memorandum eventually went out stating:
This man is not a nut. It sounds like a perfectly wild idea but is worth looking into.
Ultimately known as Project X-Ray, the plan used Mexican free-tailed bats, which were kept calm during travel by jamming them into ice cube trays to be cooled down and forced into hibernation.
When it came time to release the (what would be thousands of) bats, a cardboard trap was supposed to spring open and send the napalm-loaded creatures deep into enemy lines. Ideally, the bats would roost in hard-to-reach places, set them on fire, and avenge the nation in the process. Unfortunately, things didn't go quite according to plan.
During a test run of just six of the flying bombers, the bats unexpectedly took off a little too early and headed not for their target, but straight for the barracks. The good news: the bombs were highly effective. The bad news: again, the bombs were highly effective. The barracks quickly burst into flames?along with the general's car.
As Robert M. Neer notes in his new book, Napalm: An American Biography, "Flames? jumped from building to building. Many structures lay in ashes." It could barely have been more catastrophic.
Apparently, in an effort to maintain the secrecy of their secret weapon, research team leader Louis Fieser and his team of scientists had chosen to forego fire equipment. Not the best idea where kamikaze bomb bats are concerned. Or as Fieser casually put it, "We made a little mistake out there."
So fortunately for animal lovers and opponents of uncontrollable bomb-toting animals everywhere, this particular military mistake ended nearly as soon as it began. But not before going down as one of the most absurd military experiments in our nation's history. [Wikipedia, Smithsonian]
Source: http://gizmodo.com/the-us-militarys-disastrous-plan-to-use-napalm-strappe-505782959
By Jason Szep
SITTWE, Myanmar (Reuters) - A 16-year-old Muslim boy lay dying on a thin metal table. Bitten by a rabid dog a month ago, he convulsed and drooled as his parents wedged a stick between his teeth to stop him from biting off his tongue.
Swift treatment might have saved Waadulae. But there are no doctors, painkillers or vaccines in this primitive hospital near Sittwe, capital of Rakhine State in western Myanmar. It is a lonely medical outpost that serves about 85,300 displaced people, almost all of them Muslims who lost their homes in fighting with Buddhist mobs last year.
"All we can give him is sedatives," said Maung Maung Hla, a former health ministry official who, despite lacking a medical degree, treats about 150 patients a day. The two doctors who once worked there haven't been seen in a month. Medical supplies stopped when they left, said Maung Maung Hla, a Muslim.
These trash-strewn camps represent the dark side of Myanmar's celebrated transition to democracy: apartheid-like policies segregating minority Muslims from the Buddhist majority. As communal violence spreads, nowhere are these practices more brutally enforced than around Sittwe.
In an echo of what happened in the Balkans after the fall of communist Yugoslavia, the loosening of authoritarian control in Myanmar is giving freer rein to ethnic hatred.
President Thein Sein, a former general, said in a May 6 televised speech his government was committed to creating "a peaceful and harmonious society in Rakhine State."
But the sand dunes and barren paddy fields outside Sittwe hold a different story. Here, emergency shelters set up for Rohingya Muslims last year have become permanent, prison-like ghettos. Muslims are stopped from leaving at gunpoint. Aid workers are threatened. Camps seethe with anger and disease.
In central Sittwe, ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and local officials exult in what they regard as a hard-won triumph: streets almost devoid of Muslims. Before last year's violence, the city's Muslims numbered about 73,000, nearly half its population. Today, there are fewer than 5,000 left.
Myanmar's transformation from global pariah to budding democracy once seemed remarkably smooth. After nearly half a century of military dictatorship, the quasi-civilian government that took power in March 2011 astonished the world by releasing dissidents, relaxing censorship and re-engaging with the West.
Then came the worst sectarian violence for decades. Clashes between Rakhine Buddhists and stateless Rohingya Muslims in June and October 2012 killed at least 192 people and displaced 140,000. Most of the dead and homeless were Muslims.
"Rakhine State is going through a profound crisis" that "has the potential to undermine the entire reform process," said Tom?s Ojea Quintana, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar.
Life here, he said, resembles junta-era Myanmar, with rampant human-rights abuses and a pervasive security apparatus. "What is happening in Rakhine State is following the pattern of what has happened in Myanmar during the military government," he said in an interview.
The crisis poses the biggest domestic challenge yet for the reformist leaders of one of Asia's most ethnically diverse countries. Muslims make up about 5 percent of its 60 million people. Minorities, such as the Kachin and the Shan, are watching closely after enduring persecution under the former junta.
As the first powerful storm of the monsoon season approached western Myanmar this week, the government and U.N. agencies began a chaotic evacuation from the camps, urging thousands of Rohingya Muslims to move to safer areas on higher ground across Rakhine State.
Some resisted, fearing they would lose all they had left: their tarpaulin tents and makeshift huts. More than 50 are believed to have drowned in a botched evacuation by sea.
"THEY ALL TELL LIES"
Sittwe's last remaining Muslim-dominated quarter, Aung Mingalar, is locked down by police and soldiers who patrol all streets leading in and out. Muslims can't leave without written permission from Buddhist local authorities, which Muslims say is almost impossible to secure.
Metal barricades, topped with razor wire, are opened only for Buddhist Rakhines. Despite a ban against foreign journalists, Reuters was able to enter Aung Mingalar. Near-deserted streets were flanked by shuttered shops. Some Muslims peered from doors or windows.
On the other side of the barricades, Rakhine Buddhists revel in the segregation.
"I don't trust them. They are not honest," said Khin Mya, 63, who owns a general store on Sittwe's main street. "Muslims are hot-headed; they like to fight, either with us or among themselves."
Ei Mon Kyaw, 19, who sells betel nut and chewing tobacco, said Muslims are "really dirty. It is better we live apart."
State spokesman Win Myaing, a Buddhist, explained why Aung Mingalar's besieged Muslims were forbidden from speaking to the media. "It's because they all tell lies," he said. He also denied the government had engaged in ethnic cleansing, a charge leveled most recently by Human Rights Watch in an April 22 report.
"How can it be ethnic cleansing? They are not an ethnic group," he said from an office on Sittwe's main street, overlooking an empty mosque guarded by soldiers and police.
His comments reflect a historic dispute over the origins of the country's estimated 800,000 Rohingya Muslims, who claim a centuries-old lineage in Rakhine State.
The government says they are Muslim migrants from northern neighbor Bangladesh who arrived during British rule from 1824. After independence in 1948, Myanmar's new rulers tried to limit citizenship to those whose roots in the country predated British rule. A 1982 Citizenship Act excluded Rohingya from the country's 135 recognized ethnic groups, denying them citizenship and rendering them stateless. Bangladesh also disowns them and has refused to grant them refugee status since 1992.
The United Nations calls them "virtually friendless" and among the world's most persecuted people.
BOAT PEOPLE EXODUS
The state government has shelved any plan to return the Rohingya Muslims to their villages on a technicality: for defying a state requirement that they identify themselves as "Bengali," a term that suggests they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
All these factors are accelerating an exodus of Rohingya boat people emigrating in rickety fishing vessels to other Southeast Asian countries.
From October to March, between the monsoons, about 25,000 Rohingya left Myanmar on boats, according to new data from Arakan Project, a Rohingya advocacy group. That was double the previous year, turning a Rakhine problem into a region-wide one.
The cost of the one-way ticket is steep for an impoverished people - usually about 200,000 kyat, or $220, often paid for by remittances from family members who have already left.
Many who survive the perilous journeys wind up in majority-Muslim Malaysia. Some end up in U.N. camps, where they are denied permanent asylum. Others find illegal work on construction sites or other subsistence jobs. Tens of thousands are held in camps in Thailand. Growing numbers have been detained in Indonesia.
MOB VIOLENCE
Rakhine State, one of the poorest regions of Southeast Asia's poorest country, had high hopes for the reform era.
In Sittwe's harbor, India is funding a $214 million port, river and road network that will carve a trade route into India's landlocked northeast. From Kyaukphyu, a city 65 miles southeast of Sittwe, gas and oil pipelines stretch to China's energy-hungry northwest. Both projects capitalize on Myanmar's growing importance at Asia's crossroads.
That promise has been interrupted by communal tensions that flared into the open after the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman by Muslim men in May last year. Six days later, in retribution, a Buddhist mob beat 10 Muslims to death. Violence then swept Maungdaw, one of the three Rohingya-majority districts bordering Bangladesh, on June 8. Rohingya mobs destroyed homes and killed an unknown number of Rakhines.
The clashes spread to Sittwe. More than 2,500 homes and buildings went up in flames, as Rohingya and Rakhine mobs rampaged. When the smoke cleared, both suffered losses, though the official death toll for Rohingya - 57 - was nearly double that for Buddhist Rakhines. Entire Muslim districts were razed.
October saw more violence. This time, Buddhist mobs attacked Muslim villages across the state over five days, led in some cases by Rakhine nationalists tied to a powerful political party, incited by Buddhist monks and abetted at times by local security forces..
U.S. President Barack Obama, on a groundbreaking visit in November, urged reconciliation. "The Rohingya ... hold within themselves the same dignity as you do, and I do," he said. The week he visited, Thein Sein vowed to forge ethnic unity in a letter to the United Nations.
But the violence kept spreading. Anti-Muslim unrest, whipped up by Buddhist monks, killed at least 44 people in the central city of Meikhtila in March. In April and May, Buddhist mobs destroyed mosques and hundreds of Muslim homes just a few hours' drive from Yangon, the country's largest city.
Thein Sein responded by sending troops to volatile areas and setting up an independent commission into the Rakhine violence. Its recommendations, released April 27, urged meetings of Muslim and Buddhist leaders to foster tolerance, Muslims to be moved to safer ground ahead of the storm season, and the continued segregation of the two communities "until the overt emotions subside."
It sent a strong message, calling the Rohingya "Bengalis," a term that suggests they belong in Bangladesh, and backing the 1982 citizenship law that rendered stateless even those Rohingya who had lived in Myanmar for generations.
The Rohingya's rapid population growth had fueled the clashes with Buddhists, it said, recommending voluntary family-planning education programs for them. It suggested doubling the number of soldiers and police in the region.
Rohingya responded angrily. "We completely reject this report," said Fukan Ahmed, 54, a Rohingya elder who lost his home in Sittwe.
Local government officials, however, were already moving to impose policies in line with the report.
THE HATED LIST
On the morning of April 26, a group of state officials entered the Theak Kae Pyin refugee camp. With them were three policemen and several Border Administration Force officers, known as the Nasaka, a word derived from the initials of its Burmese name. Unique to the region, the Nasaka consists of officers from the police, military, customs and immigration. They control every aspect of Rohingya life, and are much feared.
Documented human-rights abuses blamed on the Nasaka include rape, forced labor and extortion. Rohingya cannot travel or marry without the Nasaka's permission, which is never secured without paying bribes, activists allege.
State spokesman Win Myaing said the Nasaka's mission was to compile a list identifying where people had lived before the violence, a precondition for resettlement. They wanted to know who was from Sittwe and who was from more remote townships such as Pauktaw and Kyaukphyu, areas that saw a near-total expulsion of Muslims in October.
Many fled for what Win Myaing said were unregistered camps outside Sittwe, often in flood-prone areas. "We would like to move them back to where they came from in the next two months," said Win Myaing. The list was the first step towards doing that.
The list, however, also required Muslims to identify themselves as Bengali. For Fukan Ahmed and other Rohingya leaders, it sent a chilling message: If they want to be resettled, they must deny their identity.
Agitated crowds gathered as the officials tried to compile the list, witnesses said. Women and children chanted "Rohingya! Rohingya!" As the police officers were leaving, one tumbled to the ground, struck by a stone to his head, according to Win Myaing. Rohingya witnesses said the officer tripped. Seven Rohingya were arrested and charged with causing grievous hurt to a public servant, criminal intimidation and rioting.
Compiling the list is on hold, said Win Myaing. So, too, is resettlement.
"If they trust us, then (resettlement) can happen immediately. If you won't even accept us making a list, then how can we try and do other things?" he asked. The crisis could be defused if Rohingya accepted the 1982 Citizenship Law, he said.
But doing so would effectively confirm their statelessness. Official discrimination and lack of documentation meant many Rohingya have no hope of fulfilling the requirements.
Boshi Raman, 40, said he and other Rohingya would never sign a document calling themselves Bengali. "We would rather die," he said.
Win Myaing blamed the Rohingya for their misfortune. "If you look back at the events that occurred, it wasn't because the Rakhines were extreme. The problems were all started by them," the Muslims, he said.
SCORCHED EARTH
In Theak Kae Pyin camp, a sea of tarpaulin tents and fragile huts built of straw from the last rice harvest, there is an air of growing permanence. More than 11,000 live in this camp alone, according to U.N. data. Naked children bathe in a murky-brown pond and play on sewage-lined pathways.
A year ago, before the unrest, Haleda Somisian lived in Narzi, a Sittwe district of more than 10,000 people. Today, it is rubble and scorched earth. Somisian, 20, wants to return and rebuild. Her husband, she says, has started to beat her. In Narzi, he worked. Now he is jobless, restless and despondent.
"I want to leave this place," she said.
Some of those confined to the camps are Kaman Muslims, who are recognized as one of Myanmar's 135 official ethnic groups; they usually hold citizenship and can be hard to tell apart from Rakhine Buddhists. They fled after October's violence when their homes were destroyed by Rakhine mobs in remote townships such as Kyaukphyu. They, too, are prevented from leaving.
Beyond Sittwe, another 50,000 people, mostly Rohingya, live in similar camps in other parts of the state destroyed in last year's sectarian violence.
Across the state, the U.N relief agency has provided about 4,000 tents and built about 300 bamboo homes, each of which can hold eight families. Another 500 bamboo homes are planned by year-end. None are designed to be permanent, said agency spokeswoman Vivian Tan. Tents can last six months to a year; bamboo homes about two years.
The agency wants to provide the temporary shelter that is badly needed. "But we don't want in any way to create permanent shelters and to condone any kind of segregation," Tan said.
Aid group Doctors Without Borders has accused hardline nationalists of threatening its staff, impairing its ability to deliver care. Mobile clinics have appeared in some camps, but a U.N. report describes most as "insufficient."
Waadulae, suffering from rabies, was treated at Dar Paing hospital, whose lone worker, Maung Maung Hla, was overwhelmed. "We have run out of antibiotics," he said. "There is no malaria medicine. There's no medicine for tuberculosis or diabetes. No vaccines. There's no equipment to check peoples' condition. There are no drips for people suffering from acute diarrhea."
State spokesman Win Myaing said Rakhine doctors feared entering the camps. "It's reached a stage where they say they'd quit their jobs before they would go to these places," he said.
The treatment of the Rohingya contrasts with that of some 4,080 displaced ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in central Sittwe. They can leave their camps freely, work in the city, move in with relatives in nearby villages and rebuild, helped by an outpouring of aid from Burmese business leaders.
Hset Hlaing, 33, who survives on handouts from aid agencies at Thae Chaung camp, recalls how he earned 10,000 kyat ($11 a day) from a general-goods stall in Sittwe before his business and home went up in flames last June. Like other Muslims, he refuses to accept the term Bengali.
"I don't want to go to another country. I was born here," he says, sipping tea in a bamboo shack. "But if the government won't accept us, we will leave. We'll go by boat. We'll go to a country that can accept us."
(Edited by Andrew R.C. Marshall and Bill Tarrant.)
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Design and Features
The VivoBook S56CA's trim chassis measures 0.82 by 13.7 by 9.6 inches (HWD) and, at 4.86 pounds, it's a smidge heavier than comparable ultrabooks like the Acer Aspire V5-571P-6627 (4.63 pounds). While its underside is fashioned from a rather utilitarian black plastic, a stylish brushed aluminum finish on the system's lid and palmrest adds a touch of panache to its overall aesthetic. The VivoBook S56CA's thin body and dashes of aluminum make for an attractively designed system that can easily be stashed into most laptop bags or backpacks.
With a maximum resolution of 1,366 by 768, the VivoBook S56C's 15.6-inch display can play video at 720p, a useful feature since the system ships an integrated DVD burner. Whether in video or the Windows 8 Start screen, the VivoBook S56CA's display dishes out bright colors and crisp text. Equally impressive are the VivoBook S56C's speakers, which pump out clear, tinny-free audio at surprisingly loud levels?at least for an ultrabook.
The VivoBook S56C's chiclet-styled keyboard exhibits the dreaded shallow key travel syndrome that commonly comes with ultrabooks. The absence of backlighting further compromises this already uncomfortable typing experience in dimly-lit settings. The VivoBook S56C's smooth and responsive touchpad partially acquits its subpar keyboard by providing a good amount of tactile feedback and offering fluid support of Windows 8-specific gesture controls.
True to its ultrabook status, port selection on the VivoBook S56C is modest. You'll find a cardreader on the front of the system while the right side houses the DVD burner, a combined headphone and microphone jack, and a pair of USB 2.0 ports. The left side, meanwhile, sports VGA and HDMI ports, an Ethernet port, and the system's sole USB 3.0 port. Peripheral-happy users may be better served by the HP Pavilion M6-1148CA, which features three USB 3.0 ports.
The VivoBook S56C's combined 500GB 5,400 hard drive and 24GB SSD hits the sweet spot between capaciousness and brisk load times. There is, however, a decent amount of preloaded software that must first be contended with. While unnecessary bloatware (desktop links to Skype) is mercifully kept to a minimum, there's also some trialware (Office Starter 2010, McAfee Internet Security), as well as a hefty chunk of proprietary software of varying usefulness (ranging from ASUS WebStorage Sync Agent to ASUS Vibe 2.0). The VivoBook S56C's generous two-year warranty on parts and labor is twice as long the standard one-year deal offered by the competition, like the HP Pavilion G6-2368CA.
Performance
The VivoBook S56C did, however, demonstrate an ability to handle moderately intense media creation tasks. It completed our Handbrake video-encoding test in 1 minute 58 seconds, landing a mere second behind the Acer V5-571P-6627 (1:57) while breezily outpacing the HP G6-2368CA (3:08) by a wide margin. The 8 minutes 3 seconds it took to run through our Photoshop CS6 test was slower than the rest of its class, though, including the Lenovo N581 (5:34) and the Samsung Series 3 (4:35). All said, the VivoBook S56C is adequate for casual users looking to dabble in occasional photo- or video- editing projects.
When it came to 3D rendering, the VivoBook S56C trailed closely behind its peers. Its 3DMark11 scores (1,169 points in Entry-level settings; 218 points in Extreme settings) landed within striking distance of the Ideapad N581 (1,234 points and 224 points, respectively) and the top-performing HP G6-2368CA (1,263 and 257 points, respectively). High-end gaming, on the other hand, is a no-go. The VivoBook S56C's integrated Intel HD Graphics 4000 didn't have the firepower to break the 30 frames per second (fps) playability barrier on our gaming benchmark tests.
The VivoBook S56C's average performance extended to its removable 2,950 mAh battery, which lasted 3 hours 55 minutes on our battery rundown test. While this handily outlasted the HP M6-1148CA (2:23), it nonetheless came up short of both the Lenovo N581 (4:43) and the Samsung Series 3 (5:11). For most deskbound users, this is perfectly sufficient. Users planning on spending the entire day away from their desks should be sure not to stray too far from a power outlet, though.
Although the market is presently brimming with ultrabooks, the Asus VivoBook S56CA-DH31-CA stands apart from the pack thanks to its integrated DVD burner, reasonable price tag, and generous two-year warranty. That said, its subpar keyboard and average performance hold it back from achieving pure ultrabook nirvana. It's worth checking out, but be sure to fully explore other options before doing so.
BENCHMARK TEST RESULTS:
Source: http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/ziffdavis/pcmag/~3/PVtect-dgcw/0,2817,2418813,00.asp
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Charleston, WV, May 14, 2013 ?(PR.com)? Larry G. Adkins of Charleston, West Virginia has been included in the Strathmore?s Who?s Who Worldwide Edition for his outstanding contributions and achievements in the field of architecture.
About Larry G. Adkins
Larry G. Adkins has almost 40 years architectural industry experience and has had his own business for the past 17 years. He is President and Principal Architect for Adkins Design, Inc. which is an architectural firm in West Virginia. The business provides architecture and interior design services including: Taking a project from concept to completion, preparing the construction documents and specifications per the owner?s requirements, conducting multiple project related meetings during design and during the construction phase, and conducting site visits to verify contractor?s performance and compliance to the design and specifications. Applying their skills to the design and planning of homes and commercial buildings, Adkins Design, Inc. is devoted to providing basic structural soundness and practicality while preserving the beauty of our environment. They will design the building to be sound in structure, economical in cost and attractive in design. Utilizing modern advances in this highly specialized field, including the latest computer applications, Adkins Design, Inc. strives to complete each project with skill, accuracy and expertise. Mr. Adkins oversees the operations and the staff. He is responsible for designing office buildings, healthcare facilities, commercial buildings, banks, religious buildings, recreational buildings, fire stations, public housing, townhouses and industrial buildings. Mr. Adkins is affiliated with A.I.A., A.I.A. W.V. and W.V.A.H.A. He obtained an A.S. in Design from West Virginia Institute of Technology.
About Strathmore?s Who?s Who Worldwide
Strathmore?s Who?s Who Worldwide highlights the professional lives of individuals from every significant field or industry including business, medicine, law, education, art, government and entertainment. Strathmore?s Who?s Who Worldwide is both an online and hard cover publication where we provide our members? current and pertinent business information and is also a biographical information source for thousands of researchers, journalists, librarians and executive search firms throughout the world. Our goal is to ensure that our members receive all of the networking, exposure and recognition capabilities to potentially increase their business.
Contact Information:
Strathmore Worldwide
Susan Perrault
516-677-9696
Contact via Email
www.strathmoreworldwide.com
Syndi Reibman
Read the full story here: http://www.pr.com/press-release/487800
Press Release Distributed by PR.com
Source: http://aggregator.in/larry-g-adkins-recognized-by-strathmores-whos-who-worldwide-publication/
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NEW YORK (AP) ? The Obama administration on Monday filed a last-minute appeal to delay the sale of the morning-after contraceptive pill to girls of any age without a prescription.
The legal paperwork asked the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Manhattan to postpone a federal judge's ruling that eliminated age limits on the pill while the government appeals that overall decision.
U.S. District Court Judge Edward Korman has said politics was behind efforts by Secretary of Health and Human Services Kathleen Sebelius to block the unrestricted sale of the Plan B One-Step morning-after pill and its generic competitors.
Last month, he ordered that the levonorgestrel-based emergency contraceptives be made available without prescription and without age restrictions. He then denied a request to postpone his ruling while the government appealed but gave it until Monday to appeal again.
Government attorneys warned that "substantial market confusion" could result if Korman's ruling was enforced while appeals are pending. On Monday, lawyers argued that the district court "plainly overstepped its authority," and that they believe they will win the overall appeal.
Attorneys for the Center for Reproductive Rights have said in court papers that every day the ruling is not enforced is "life-altering" to some women. They have 10 days to respond to the most recent government filings, after which the appeals court will issue a decision.
The appeals court will take up the issue on May 28 and said the judge's ruling remains postponed.
If the government fails, it would clear the way for over-the-counter sales of the morning-after pill to younger girls. The FDA announced earlier this month that the contraception could be sold without a prescription to those 15 and older, a decision Korman said merely sugarcoated the appeal of his order lifting the age restriction.
Sales had previously been limited to those who were at least 17.
The judge said he ruled against the government "because the secretary's action was politically motivated, scientifically unjustified and contrary to agency precedent" and because there was no basis to deny the request to make the drugs widely available.
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/us-government-files-morning-pill-appeal-161422988.html
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Fifteen days ago, Jarrod Clowery was standing with three friends on Boylston Street in front of the Forum Bar watching the Boston Marathon.
Today, Clowery, a 35-year-old carpenter from nearby Stoneham, is in Boston?s Brigham and Women?s Hospital, recovering from shrapnel wounds and thermal injuries suffered near the second explosion. He's had multiple surgeries to remove carpentry nails, bee-bees, pieces of plastic and denim from his jeans embedded in him from the pressure cooker bomb that planted near the railing three feet from where he was standing. Doctors estimate Clowery will face several more surgeries to remove the 20 bee-bees left in him. Yet he considers himself lucky.
"I feel blessed," Clowery said Tuesday during a press conference at the hospital. "My friends are in much worse shape."
Each of Clowery's friends?brothers James and J.P. Norden and Marc Fucarile?lost limbs in the second blast.
Clowery and his friends can be seen standing near 19-year-old bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev in one of the photos released by the FBI. But Clowery can't bring himself to look at his alleged attacker.
"I don't even look at the bomber," he said. "I look at me and my friends."
When he heard the first explosion, Clowery said, he knew it was not an accident.
"I knew right away in my gut in wasn't a gas leak," he said. "I saw the open space in the street, I said, 'Let's get in the street.'
As Clowery cleared the railing, he paused to urge his friends to follow him when the second bomb exploded.
"I remember feeling engulfed," he said. "Just like the movies--all the sound got taken away."
[Related: Fund launched to pay for physical therapy, counseling for Boston victims]
Clowery continued: "I remember trying to count my fingers and feel my feet. My hand was too much to look at."
He looked down at his legs. "I didn't want to look at them, either."
Two off-duty police officers picked Clowery up off the ground and carried him to an ambulance. He was rushed to the hospital, where doctors said had suffered the worst burns of any victim they saw.
Clowery praised the first responders and emergency room doctors who treated him.
"In all my years in New England, I never seen Tom Brady put a drive together as good as what these people were doing," Clowery said, adding: "No disrespect to Tom Brady."
As for what he'd say to Tsarnaev given the chance, Clowery declined to answer. "[He's] gotten too much air time."
A fund has been set up by Clowery's family to help pay for his medical expenses.
Clowery, who is being transferred to a rehabilitation facility on Wednesday, hasn't decided if he'll go back to the marathon next year.
"I'm not scared to go back," he said. "I'm not scared of crowds. Maybe me and the same group of guys will go back down there."
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/blogs/lookout/jarrod-clowery-boston-bombing-victim-tom-brady-194330265.html
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